Admission Essay Help

Admission Essay Help Admission Essay Help University admission or college admission is the process through which students enter the universities and colleges. Systems vary widely from country to country as well as from institution to institution.Admission essay writing includes one or more essays in addition to such objective information as grades and test scores. The typical question asks you to write about your personality, life experienced, and expectations on future. It allows the admission committee to get to know you better, to know your plans and goals, to read about an important event in your life, discover your philosophy. Writing the college admission essay is an opportunity for you to stand out among the applicants and to prove that you and only you are the most deserving candidate. Admission Essay Writing If you want to succeed with admission essay writing, you need to learn about college admission essay questionsfrom previous years:. Usually, such information can be found on the official websites of colleges and universities. It gives you an idea what the college admission essay questions look like. May be someone from your friends applied to your college and might still have copies of their essay. But do not copy it! As a rule, college essay questions are controversial. Your task is not only to accept a definite position but to explain in detail why you choose that one. Very often the students are asked to describe and evaluate one experience that significantly influenced their academic interests or life in general. This experience might be a high school course, a job, a relationship, or an extracurricular activity. Try to explain how this experience led to the goals you now have set for yourself and why you think the academic program you apply for will help you reach those goals. Admission Essay Help Following these guidelines and tips you will learn how to write admission essay. You should understand that a well written essay is very important because it determines whether or not you are admitted to the chosen college or university. This is your opportunity to show what sets you apart from the other applicants. Your responses to admission essay questions help officers understand your motivations, creativity, and personality. That's why it is important to start writing your essays as early as possible. Make your essays personal, but stay within the guidelines and carefully answer the questions. Follow the directions. If the application asks you to answer three questions using no more than 1,500 words, do not write 1,800. Ignoring directions may mean not getting into the college of your choice. Make sure you answer the questions or follow the essay prompts. Remember that committee members are seeking the applicant who worthy of their award. Custom Admission Essay Writing Help Want to have an impressive admission essay and do not know how to start writing? You are welcome to place an order at and we will write an outstanding college essay for you! We guarantee timely delivery and professionalism of our writers! We do not resell admission essays and your interests are put on the primary place! Interesting posts: Thesis Papers in Education Thesis Methodology Hamlet Thesis Dissertation Service Creative Writing Thesis

Actus Reus Paper Essays

Actus Reus Paper Essays Actus Reus Paper Essay Actus Reus Paper Essay ACTUS REUS: OMISSION CAUSATION The general basis for imposing liability in  criminal law  is that the defendant must be proved to have committed a guilty act whilst having had a guilty state of mind. The physical elements are collectively called the actus reus and the accompanied mental state is called the mens rea. It is the fundamental duty of the prosecution to prove both of these elements of the offence to the satisfaction of the judge or jury beyond reasonable doubt. In the absence of such proof the defendant will be acquitted. ACTUS REUS An actus reus consists of more than just an act. It also consists of whatever circumstances and consequences are recognised for liability for the offence in question in other words all the elements of an offence other than the mental element. The term actus reus has been given a much wider meaning by Glanville Williams in his criminal law. He says : When he use the technical tern actus reus we include all the external circumstances and consequences specified in the rule of law as constituting the forbidden situation. Reus must be taken as indicating the situation specified in the actus reus as on that, given any necessary mental element, is forbidden by law. In other words, acus reus means the whole definition of the crime with the exception of the mental element – and it even includes a mental element in so far as that is contained in the definition of an act. Actus reus includes negative as well as positive elements. For example, as stared earlier, the actus reus of murder is the causing of death of a person. It also includes circumstances, such as the person whose death has been caused was not as a consequence of a sentence or death given to him or that the death was caused within the territorial jurisdiction of the state. OMISSIONS IN CRIMES Omissions are controversial for two main reasons_ first, whether and to what extent it is justifiable omissions rather than acts; and secondly, whether liability for omissions rather than act requirement in criminal law. Pursuing the second point here, much has been made above of the importance f requiring proof that the defendant voluntarily did something to produce prohibited conduct or consequence. In so far as this can be termed an ‘act requirement’, are omissions a true exception to it? If they are, is this another argument against criminalizing them? One much-discussed preliminary question is the distinction between acts and omissions. Sometimes it is argued that certain verbs imply action and therefore exclude liability for omiss ions, and that the criminal law should respect. The distinctions flowing from this. English courts have often used this linguistic or interpretive approach. It has led to a variety of decisions in different statutes, without much discussion of the general principles underlying omissions liability. The law commissions considerably draft criminal code may be said to signal the continuation of this approach, by redefining the homicide offences in terms of ‘causing death’ rather than ‘killing’, and refining the damage offences in terms of ‘causing damage’, rather than ‘damaging’, so as ‘to leave fully open the courts the possibility of so constructing the relevant (statutory) provisions as to impose liability for omissions’. The draft cod would therefore remove any linguistic awkwardness in saying, for example, that a parent killed a child by failing to feed it; but it does so in this specific instance, and without proclaiming a general principle, that the act requirement may be fulfilled by an omission of a duty can be established. Attachment to the vagaries of the language is no proper basis for delineating the boundaries of criminal liability. In some situations the courts, following the linguistic approach, have nevertheless found themselves able to impose omissions liability. In Speck (1977)3 the defendant was charged with committing an act of gross indecency with or towards a child. The evidence was that an 8 yr old girl placed her hand on his trousers over his penis. he allowed that hand to remain there for some minutes, causing him to have an erection. The court of appeal held that the defendants failure to remove the hand amounted to an invitation to the child with the act, or it created a duty in an adult to put an end to the innocent touching of this kind, with omissions liability for not fulfilling the duty. The analysis is similar to that in miller (1983) where D fell asleep whilst smoking, woke up to find the mattress smouldering, but simply left the room and went to sleep elsewhere. He was convicted of causing criminal damage by fire, on the basis that a person who initiates a sequence of events nnocently and then fails to do anything to stop the sequence should be regarded as having caused the whole sequence. On this view the conduct constitutes a single, continuing act; Miller caused the damage because he took no steps to extinguish the fire he had innocently started. It must be doubted whether these efforts to find an act which then coincides in point in point of time with defendants knowledge and intentions are convincin g. surely the courts are imposing liability for an omission on these cases, by recognizing that a duty arises. Speck is a little different from miller since the original act of the speck was of the girl, and the duty must therefore amount the recognition of an obligation on an adult to put an end to the indecent yet innocent touching by a child. In so far as these decisions appear to extend the statutory wording, are they objectionable on grounds of retroactivity and lack of fair warning, or defensible as applications of existing common law doctrine to new situations? In other situations it seems possible to offer plausible reasons for regarding the same event as either an act or an omission, and in some cases the courts have sought to exploit this ambiguity when dealing with problematic medical issues. Yet it is one thing to say that a healthcare professional who decides not to replace an empty bag for a drip-feed has made an omission, whereas switching a ventilator off is an act; is another thing to maintain that the act-omission distinction should be crucial to any determination of the criminal liability in the two situations. In Airedale NHS trust v bland (1993)the house of lords held that it would be lawful for a doctor to withdraw treatment from a patient in a persistent vegetative state, even though death would inevitable be hastened by that conduct. The house held that the withdrawal of treatment would constitute and omission, and thus regarded the duties of the doctor as the central issue. The decision was that the doctor a doctor has no duty to continue life supplying treatment when it is no longer in the best interest of the patient, having regard to responsible medical opinion. However the court of appeal declined to adopt this subterfuge in Re A(conjoined twins: Surgical separation), holding that the surgical separation of the twins would undoubtedly an act, and subsequently deciding that carrying out an operation which would result in the death of one twin in order to save the life of other could be justifies on the grounds of necessity. This demonstration of the fragility of the act-omission distinction of the vagaries fthe English language indicates that it may be simplistic to oppose omissions liability in the principle. There are some clear cases of omission in which it is desirable to have criminal liability, such as the parent who neglects to feed her or his child or neglects to protect it from abuse. Omissions can be involuntary or not, in the same way as acts; and provided, that the harm resulted because D failed to intervene, it can be argued that omissions are also causes. Omissions liability ay therefore satisfy the principles that no one should be held liable for bodily movements that he or she did not or could not direct. It may also satisfy the principle that no person should be held liable for the conduct or consequences that he or she did not cause. But one point of the act requirement is to exclude liability for mere thoughts that do not result in some bodily movement, and omissions fall foul to that. They do so for a good reason – that certain positive duties to act are so important that they can rightly be made the subject of criminal liability. Of course, such a duty should also be defined with sufficient certainty and made known to those affected by it. So long as these formal requirements are fulfilled there can be no fairness objection to holding a person liable, provided that he or she is capable of taking some steps to carry out the duty. CAUSATION IN CRIMES An event is very often the result of a number of factors. A factor is said to have caused a particular event if, without that factor or, the event would not have happened. Thus, a man is said to have caused the actus reus of a crime, if, that actus would not have occurred without his participation in what was done. Some casual relationships has to be established between his conduct and the prohibited result. A man is usually held criminally liable only for the consequences of his conduct as he foresaw, (or is crimes of negligence, he ought to have foreseen). The act must be the causa causans, ie, the immediate or proximate cause of the effect. When the facts are direct and simple, then establishing the causal nexus between the act and the effect may not be difficult, as for instance in a case of person shooting another person and thereby killing him. The causation can also be without any direct physical act. if the victim asks his way on a dark night nd the accused with the intention of causing his death, directs him to a path that he knows will bring him to a cliff edge , and the victing suffers a fatal fall, this is clearly murder, though the accused has done nothing more than utter words. This can be true in cases of abetment, incitement and conspiracy. In the instances stated above, it is not difficult to establish the direct result between the cause and the effect. The difficulty ar ises only in cases of multiple causation, where it is difficult to establish the imputability. Example: A, intending to kill B but only wounds him very slightly. A clearly has the requisite mens rea for murder, that is, he foresees and desires B’s death. Not let us assume that on his being ta ken to the hospital in an ambulance, a piece of masonry from a building falls on the ambulance and kills B; or, alternatively, that B has a rare blood disease which prevents his blood from coagulation so that the slight wound leads to his death, which it would not have done if he had not been suffering from this disease; or, alternatively, that B refuses to have the wound treated and dies of blood poisoning, which would not have occurred if B had had the wounded treated. In all these cases, a problem of causation arises, i. e. , did A cause B’s death for the purposes of the criminal law so that he can be convicted of murder? If the result is too remote and accidental in its occurrence, then there is no criminal liability. CAUSATION AND NEGLIGENCE The difficulty of causation arises very often n cases of negligence. It has t be established that first, the conduct of the person was negligent and secondly, that but for the negligent act of accused, the accident would not have occurred. In other words, the actus reus should be causally connected to the act, which should be proved to be a negligent. In order to impose criminal liability under S 304A, IPC, it is essential to establish that death is the direct result of the rash or (and) negligent act of the accused. It must be causa causans – the immediate cause and not enough that it may be quasa sine qua non, ie, proximate cause. There can be no conviction when rashness or negligence of third party intervenes. In Suleman rahiman mulani v state of Maharashtra the Supreme Court has approved his rule. In Suleman rahiman mulani the accused who was driving the jeep struck the deceased, as a result of which he sustained serious injuries. The ccused put the injured person in the jeep for medical treatment, but he died. Thereafter, the accused cremated the body. The accused was charged under s304A and 201 of the IPC. As per s 304A, there must be direct nexus between the death of a person and rash and negligent act of the accused that caused the death of the deceased. It was the case of the prosecution of the accused had possesse d only a learner’s license and hence was guilty of causing the death of the deceased. The court held that there was no presumption in law that a person who possesses only a learner’s license or possesses no license at all, does not know driving. A person could for various reasons, including sheer indifference, might not have been taken a regular license . there was evidence to show that the accused had driven the jeep to various places on the previous day of occurrence. So before the accused convicted under s304A, there must a proof that the accused drove in a rash and negligent manner and death was a direct consequence of such rash and negligent manner. In the absence of such evidence no offence under s 304A was made out. The accused was acquitted of the charges. MINIMAL CAUSATION When death of a person is caused after medical treatment, it cannot be said that the treatment was not proper or inadequate, or had better treatment been given, the death would not have taken place. This is because, the intervention of the doctor is in the nature of minimum causation and hence its intervention would have played only a minor part, if any, in causing death. As far as the IPC is concerned, explanation 2 of s 299 specifically states that if an act causes death, even death could have been avoided by proper remedies and skilful treatment, the act shall be deemed to have caused death and the person will be criminally liable. If death results from an injury voluntarily caused, the person who causes the injury, therefore, is deemed to have caused the death, although the life of victim might have been saved if proper medical treatment, provided that it was administered in good faith by a competent physician or surgeon. In Moti singh v state of uttar Pradesh the deceased gayacharan had received two gunshot wounds in the abdomen which were dangerous to life. The injury was received on February 1960. There was no evidence when he was discharged from the hospital and whether he had fully recovered or not. He, however, died on march 1 1960. His body was cremated without post mortem being done. The supreme court held that the two gunshot injuries were dangerous to life were not sufficient for holding that gyancharans death, which took place about three weeks after the incident, was on account of the injuries received by him. The court observed that in order to prove the charges on gyancharans murder, it was necessary to establish that he had died on account of injuries received on him. Since, the was no evidence to establish the cause of death, the accused could not be said to have caused the death of gyancharan. A crucial aspect highlighted by the court in the case was that the connection between the primary cause and the death should not be too remote. CONCLUSION Causation is a complex topic, with which we have been able to deal only brief here. Proof of causation is often said to be an essential precondition of criminal liability, but there is reason to doubt the generality of that requirement, notably in respect of accomplice liability and vicarious criminal liability. Rather than insisting on a universal requirement of causation, it may be preferable to argue that liability should be negatived, in general, by the voluntary intervening act of another. Several criticisms of the judicial approach to three exceptional categories of case hace been advanced above. Often the explanations given by the courts are unconvincing. Whilst the traditional or standard causal theory emphasizes the significance of the last voluntary act, there is no reluctance to took wider or to massage the term ‘voluntary’ in certain situations, especially where D clearly stated that the sequence of events by doing a wrongful act. The challenge is to re-examine the intuitions that lead judges and others to their conclusions (the wrongful act theory, the approach to medical mistakes etc. ) with a view to constructing a law that ensures that the courts respect the various principles . BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. P. S. A. Pillai – Criminal law 2. Glanville Williams book on criminal law 3. www. lawteacher. com [ 1 ]. Page 427, principles of criminal law, Glanville williams [ 2 ]. Duff, criminal attempts, 317-20 Glanville Williams [ 3 ]. 65 CR App R 161. [ 4 ]. (1983) 2 AC 161 [ 5 ]. Criticisms by jc smith (1982) Crim LR 527 and 724, and D. Husak, philosophy of criminal law(1987), 176-8 [ 6 ]. See I. M Kennedy, Treat me right (1988) 169-74 [ 7 ]. (1993) AC 789 [ 8 ]. 4 ALL ER 961 [ 9 ]. Emery (1993) 14 Cr App R (s) 394, aand the new duty by the domestic violence, crime and victims act 2004. [ 10 ]. Glanville Williams, ‘criminal law- causation’) [ 11 ]. Rustom sherior Irani v state of Maharashtra(1969) ACC Cj 79 (SC) [ 12 ]. Md rangawalla v state of mahaarashtra AIR 1965 [ 13 ]. However a driver is expected to anticipate reasonably foreseeable negligent act to road users as contributory negligence has no application in criminal law. [ 14 ]. Re san pai (1936) 14 rang 643

The Definition of Racism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

The Definition of Racism - Essay Example Racism can be direct, indirect, individual or institutional. Racial discrimination does occur on relation to the differences in the racial differences, location of descent or colour. Sometimes a policy may be brought into effect with a notion of treating all the people equally, but in some way have a negative impact to a minor group. In institutions, racism may be evident in terms of marginalisation of minor groups in access of services such as education, health care and other resources. The racist behaviour may present in diverse ways such as physical assault such as rape. Verbal abuse may ensue, such as threats, intense propaganda, ridicules and gender stereotypes (Fredrickson, 2011). Racist verbal propaganda, which may arise, include symbols, graffiti and signs. A few people may fail to cooperate with the existence rule of law. While racism remains a critical issue and problem in the society, every individual has a role to play to counteract the effects of racism. Everyone ought to bear responsibility to reverse the racism trends. In essence, racism is a great hindrance to development. All and sundry should join hands in unison to curb it (Fluehr-Lobban,

Can good leadership be taught Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Can good leadership be taught - Essay Example Knowledge can be gained, skills can be learnt but intelligence cannot be generated. A person needs to be intelligent and sharp in order to gain knowledge and utilize it. Leadership requires certain traits in a person.Leadership and managerial work are common observable facts that there are no general rules that creates leadership events or leadership methods, or for that issue great leaders. Managerial work and leadership are made cooperatively. Therefore, the only way to understand leadership correctly is the basic knowledge in group sciences. In simple words, managerial work is the process of describing and calculating the victory. A leader is the person who puts forward the plan, explains success, and confirms the capability of success. It is clear that a leader who assures these things will be more competent than other leader who desires to put the idea but refuses to accept any work in the managerial part (Clark, Clark & Albright, 1990). Hence, effective leader is the one who ha ve power over people and whose decisions are binding on others. Everyone possesses leadership potential. Effective Leadership can, & normally does, emerge from the inside. Effective leadership requires the leader to take the whole group along. It is not necessary to involve the whole group in decisions regarding the group’s success however; the members of group are ‘helpers’. These ‘helpers’, if motivated and encouraged to work together, may quicken the process of success. Motivation emerges with the feeling to improve the surroundings. An effective leader must know that motivation is the key to improve the group's performance and the chances of success. Motivation, however, is not easy. It requires continuous performance appraisal and strong communication skills. This is the point from where effective leadership enters. Effective leadership requires the leader to choose the tasks for the group. A leader may also take suggestions from other group members but it may end up in losing the actual aim of the group. Hence, an effective leader should keep a strict watch over the performance and path of the group if it is moving towards achieving its goals or not. All these techniques to keep the group together and to motivate them and decision making techniques can be taught (FBI, 2007). The difference among success and failure of a team or group can be determined by leadership. Leadership divides the achievers from the spectators. And

Fin 4100 Essay Example for Free

Fin 4100 Essay Financial Management 1. Happy Valley, Inc. stock is valued at $51. 40 a share. The company pays a constant dividend of $3. 80. What is the required return on this stock? Po = D/Rs $51. 40 = $3. 80/Rs Rs = 7. 39% 2. The Francis Company is expected to pay a dividend of D1 = $1. 25 per share at the end of the year, and that dividend is expected to grow at a constant rate of 6. 00% per year in the future. The companys beta is 1. 15, the market risk premium is 5. 50%, and the risk-free rate is 4. 00%. What is the companys current stock price? Po = D1/(Rs-g)Rs = 4% + (5. 5%)1. 15 = 10. 325% Po = 1. 25/(. 10325-. 06) Po = 28. 90 3. Nachman Industries just paid a dividend of $1. 32. Analysts expect the companys dividend to grow by 30% this year, by 10% in Year 2, and at a constant rate of 5% in Year 3 and thereafter. The required return on this low-risk stock is 9. 00%. What is the stock’s current market value? D1 = 1. 716 D2 = 1. 8876 D3 = 1. 98198 P2 = 1. 98198/(. 09-. 05) = 49. 5495 Po = 1. 716/(1. 09) + (1. 8876+49. 5495)/(1. 09)^2 Po = 44. 87 4. A firm has the following sales: 008200920102011 $1,248,311$1,542,661$1,821,962$2,048,725 Use the compound average growth rate to forecast 2012 sales. g = [(2048725/1248311)^ . 3333] -1 g = 17. 956069% 2012 sales = 2048725 (1+. 17956069) 2012 sales = 2416595. 469 5. A firm is considering two projects, and it requires a 12% return on its projects. Their minimum payback period is 2. 5 years. Assuming the projects are independent (not mutually exclusive), which would you choo se based on the payback method? The NPV? The IRR? Project AProject B Initial outlay $200,000Initial outlay $180,000 Cash flows Year 1$70,000Year 1$80,000 Year 2$80,000Year 2$90,000 Year 3$90,000Year 3$30,000 Year 4$90,000Year 4$40,000 Year 5$100,000Year 5$40,000 Payback for A: 2. 55 years (reject) NPV for A: $104,275. 05 (accept) IRR for A: 30. 15% (accept) Payback for B: 2. 33 years (accept) NPV for B: $32,647. 23 (accept) IRR for B: 20. 57% (accept) If the projects were mutually exclusive, then based off of Payback, only B is accepted; off of NPV, A is accepted; and off of IRR, A is accepted. 6. A firm has a capital structure containing 40% debt, 20% preferred tock, and 40% common stock equity. The firm’s debt has a yield to maturity of 8. 1%, its annual preferred stock dividend is $3. 10, and the preferred stock’s current market price is $50 per share. The firm’s common stock has a beta of 0. 9, and the risk free rate and the market return are currently 4% and 13. 5% respectively. The firm is subject to a 40% tax rate. What is the firm’s WACC? WACC = . 40 (8. 1%) (1- . 40) + . 20 (6. 2%) + . 40 (12. 55%) = 8. 204% 7. A firm has 1 million shares of outstanding common stock which currently trades at $50 per share. The firm’s stockholders require a 15% return on their investment. The firm also has $47. 1 million (par value) in 5 year, fixed rate notes with an after tax yield to maturity of 7% . The current market value of the five year notes is $49 million. The firm also has 200,000 outstanding shares of preferred stock which pay an annual dividend of $8 and currently trade at their $80 per share par value. What is the firm’s WACC? Market cap for common stock: $50M Market cap for debt: $49M Market cap for preferred stock: $16M WACC = . 15 (. 43478) + . 07 (. 42609) + . 10 (. 13913) = 10. 90%

Titan:The Uprising :: essays research papers

CHAPTER 1 From the Darkness The cool, dense air boasted over the horizon at dusk. I stand there†¦Face to the boundless horizon of the terrain before me. Blood, Bullets, Bodies lie cold†¦still on the ground, each containing a past. I stood there with my AR in hand, I stepped forward, knocking all pebbles around my feet, leading my few men towards what seemed to be certain death. We all were a bit edgy now. After a week of fighting and adrenaline, the body seemed due to failure. No one could predict what had happened in the past few days. Of course, command stuck me with Ten young and inexperienced recruit’s, mind you that’s all there was left. All veterans were wiped out. Our people have been fighting for freedom from the dreaded Collective for years. It seemed as if it was a lost cause. Maybe it still is. Who knows what’s ahead for my men and I. My men and I have grown weary, all our suites were battered, most of the armor missing, or gone entirely. Faces were cut and bruised, some of them considered serious. No time for that now. Ammunition was in short supply. We finished all the remaining rations we had. We were hungry, cold at night, and without Enhanced Sensors. We were blind to what was coming†¦ â€Å"Setup camp here for the night!† I said with a stern voice. The recruit’s looked for their spots for the night. I however would not. Someone has to guard these kids. I sure as hell wasn’t going to let them guard me. A couple hours passed, it was now dark. The air grew ever more cold. I knew by the cold temperatures someone wasn’t going to make it through the night. They all seemed to stare at me, with a scared look in their eyes. Wishing that they were home, before they were all destroyed. All remaining people are now nomads. Cast into the wind, Seeking shelter wherever possible. The few fighting for our world, I included, only go where the enemy lie. You could say we’re the last hope for this planet, this planet seemed so destined to be Collective property. It was pitch black, I had been crouching on my knees for awhile now. All I could hear is deep shivering breaths from my men. The silence soon left. Out of my eyesight I heard footsteps. As I reached for my AR nervously, The steps grew closer and so close it seem like they should have passed already.

Naxal Movement

SEPTEMBER 2008 IPCS Research Papers Naxal Movement in India: A Profile Rajat Kujur Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies 1 New Delhi, INDIA  © 2008, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies is not responsible for the facts, views or opinion expressed by the author. The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS), established in August 1996, is an independent think tank devoted to research on peace and security from a South Asian perspective.Its aim is to develop a comprehensive and alternative framework for peace and security in the region catering to the changing demands of national, regional and global security. Address: B 7/3 Lower Ground Floor Safdarjung Enclave New Delhi 110029 INDIA Tel: 91-11-4100 1900, 4165 2556, 4165 2557, 4165 2558, 4165 2559 Fax: (91-11) 4165 2560 Email: [email  protected] org Web: www. ipcs. org CONTENTS Executive Summary†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. A Short History †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 2 Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 6 People’s War Group (PWG)†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 7 Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) & Communist Party of India (Maoist) †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã ¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 11 About the Author †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 4 Recent IPCS Publications †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 14 Executive Summary In order to understand the current phase of Naxalism, we need to understand different aspects of organizational transformation that have occurred within the Naxal movement, since the genesis and current phase of the movement is a reflection of continuity and change. To understand its continuity over the decade, one has to understand its dynamics of change, just as to understand the changing nature of the Naxal movement, o ne has to understand the factors responsible for its continuity.And this reestablishes the dynamic character of the movement. The characteristic feature of the Naxal movement is its disorganized character which led to some interesting formulations, quite uncommon in the history of Movement Organizations (MO)1. The fragmented character of the movement gave rise to a plethora of possible trends and groupings and thereby, paved the way for new avenues of organizational conflict. Due to its fragmented character, the movement Historically socio-political movements whether extremist, revolutionary or peaceful, operate through organizations which are known as Movement Organizations.The movement organizations are mostly characterized as loosely structured, decentralized and prone to political challenges and counter cultural practices. 1 witnessed the comeback of many past leaders and cadres from oblivion. This aspect of Naxal organizational politics is important to understand, as it enabled the reemergence of a whole range of questions that were assumed to have been resolved once and for all. A Short History To understand the genesis of the Naxal movement, one needs to locate it within the framework of the Communist movement in India.To be more specific, any study on the Naxal movement cannot overlook the importance of the rise and fall of the Telangana Movement (1946-51), since Telangana will always remain the glorious chapter in the history of peasant struggles for Indian communists. In fact, it was the first serious effort by sections of the communist party leadership to learn from the experiences of the Chinese revolution and to develop a comprehensive line for India’s democratic revolution. On the other hand, the experience in Telangana also facilitated the growth of three distinct lines within the Indian communist movement.The line promoted by Ranadive and his followers, rejected the significance of the Chinese revolution, and advocated the simultaneous a ccomplishment of the democratic and the socialist revolutions, based on city-based working-class insurrections. The group drew inspiration from Stalin and fiercely attacked Mao as another Tito. The second line mainly professed and propagated by the Andhra Secretariat, drew heavily on the Chinese experiences and the teachings of Mao, in building up the struggle of Telangana.The Andhra leadership, while successfully managing to spearhead the movement against the Nizam, failed to tackle the complex question of meeting the challenge of the Government of India. The Nehru government embarked on the road to parliamentary democracy, conditioning it with reforms like the ‘abolition of the Zamindari system’. All these objective conditions facilitated the dominance of a centrist line, put forward by Ajay Ghosh and Dange. This line characteristically pointed out the differences between Chinese 2 and Indian conditions and pushed the party along the road to parliamentary democracy.In 1957, the Communists succeeded in forming a government in Kerala, which however, was soon overthrown. Additionally, following the India-China war, the party split into two during 1964 – Communist Party of India (CPI) and Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI [M]). While the CPI preached the theory of ‘peaceful road to non-capitalist development’, the CPI (M) adopted the centrist line. Though there were serious differences on ideological and tactical grounds, both the parties went ahead with their parliamentary exercises and formed the United Front government in West Bengal.In the backdrop of such organizational upheavals within the Indian Communist movement, an incident in a remote area transformed the history of left-wing extremism in India. In a remote village called Naxalbari in West Bengal, a tribal youth named Bimal Kissan, having obtained a judicial order, went to plough his land on 2 March 1967. The local landlords attacked him with the help of their go ons. Tribal people of the area retaliated and started forcefully recapturing their lands.What followed was a rebellion, which left one police sub inspector and nine tribals dead. Within a short span of about two months, this incident acquired great visibility and tremendous support from cross sections of Communist revolutionaries belonging to the state units of the CPI (M) in West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir. Though the United Front Government of West Bengal, headed by the CPI (M) was able to contain the rebellion within 72 days sing all repressive measures possible, these units had a formal meeting in November 1967, as a result of which the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) was formed in May 1968. ‘Allegiance to the armed struggle and non-participation in the elections’ were the two cardinal principles that the AICCR adopted for its operations. However, differences c ropped up over how an armed struggle should be advanced and this led to the exclusion of a section of activists from Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal, led respectively by T. Nagi Reddy and Kanhai Chatterjee.On the question of the ‘annihilation of the class enemy’, the Kanhai Chatterjee group had serious objections, as they were of the view that the annihilation of the class enemy should only be undertaken after building up mass agitations. However, a majority in the AICCCR rejected this and the AICCCR went ahead with the formation of the Communist Party of India (MarxistLeninist) in May 1969. This led Chatterjee to join the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). The CPI (M-L) held its first congress in 1970 in Kolkata and Charu Mazumdar was formally elected its general secretary.Since then, both the CPI (M-L) and the MCC continued with their respective forms of armed struggle for the next couple of years. During this period, Charu Majumdar became the undisputed Naxalite guru and with the organizational skills of Kanu Sanyal and Jaghal Santhal, the movement spread to different corners of the country. The country witnessed the euphoria of a Maoist revolution. However, it was far more shortlived than expected. What was generally perceived by Indian as well as Chinese Communist revolutionaries as the final enactment of the revolution, in reality, proved to be no more than a dress rehearsal.As hundreds of CPI (ML) cadres lost their lives, and thousands were put behind bars, the movement witnessed confusion, splits and disintegration. Charu Majumdar’s larger-than-life image also had its negative impact, for after his death in 1972, the central leadership of CPI (ML) virtually collapsed. The history of the Naxal movement postCharu Mazumdar, is characterized by a number of splits, brought about by personalized and narrow perceptions about the Maoist revolutionary line and attempts at course-correction by some of the major groups. Even Kanu Sanyal, one of the founders of the movement, could not escape this.He gave up the path of â€Å"dedicated armed struggle† by 1977 and accepted parliamentary practice as a form of revolutionary activity. It was during 1974 that an influential group of the CPI (ML), led by Jauhar (Subrata Dutt), Nagbhushan Pattnaik and Vinod Mishra, launched a major initiative, which they termed ‘course-correction’. This group renamed itself the CPI (M-L) Liberation in 1974, and in 1976, during the Emergency, adopted a new line that called for the continuation of armed guerilla struggles along with efforts to form a broad antiCongress democratic front, consisting even non-communist parties.The group also suggested that pure military armed struggle should be limited and there should be greater emphasis on mass peasant struggles, in an attempt to provide an Indianized version of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism. However, during the next three years, the movement suffered further splits with leaders, such as K ondapalli Seetharamaiah (Andhra Pradesh) and N. Prasad (Bihar) dissociating themselves from the activities of the party. This led to Prasad forming the CPI (M-L) (Unity Organization) and Seetharamaiah started the People's War Group (PWG) in 1980.While Seetharamaiah's line sought to restrict the ‘annihilation of class enemies’, the PWG's emphasis was on building mass organizations, not developing a broad democratic front. 3 Since then, the principal division within the Naxalite movement has been between the two lines of thought and action, as advanced by the CPI (ML) Liberation and the PWG. While Liberation branded PWG a group of â€Å"left adventurists†, the PWG castigated the Liberation group as one of the â€Å"revisionists† imitating the CPI (M).On the other hand, the growth of MCC as a major armed group in the same areas, created the scope for multifarious organizational conflicts among the Naxal groups. Liberation took a theoretical stand of correctin g the past mistake of ‘completely rejecting parliamentary politics’. On the other hand, PWG and MCC completely rejected the parliamentary democratic system of governance and vowed to wage ‘people’s war for people’s government’. In the process, while the Liberation group registered its first electoral victory in Bihar in 1989; Naxalite factions such as the CPI (M-L) New Democracy, the CPI (ML) S.R. Bhajjee Group and the CPI (M-L) Unity Initiative, emerged in the state. The following years witnessed certain distinct phenomena in the history of the Naxal movement. First, the intraorganizational conflict and rivalry among different groups touched several high points, resulting in the loss of a considerable number of cadres of rival groups. Secondly, despite the large-scale inner conflicts, there were always ongoing efforts at various levels to strive for unity.Thirdly, 1990 onwards, the affected state registered a considerable increase in the numb er of violent incidents and at the same time, a considerable change in the policy approach of the government was also witnessed. While the Naxal movement has mostly been characterized by fragmented groups and innumerable splits; successive governments at the national and state levels were never able to follow a uniform approach to deal with the problem of Naxalism, thus, leading to a marked impact in the growth of the Naxal movement. There are three broad currents of the Naxal movement.For reasons which will become obvious from the following discussion, this paper will examine the Communist Party of India (ML) Liberation, Peoples War Group (PWG), Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) and the Communist Party of India (Maoist). It will examine the circumstances in which these groups were formed, their ideological bases and programmes, and the similarities and dissimilarities between them. The paper, in particular, will look into different aspects of organizational politics in relation to thes e Maoist organizations and try to locate their impact on the course of the contemporary Naxal movement.The following are the main issues on which there appear to be considerable differences among the Naxal groups and which are primary causes of conflict between them. †¢ The analysis of the first phase (196771) of the Naxalite movement and the line of annihilation that was followed The position that armed struggle is the principal form of struggle and the armed guerilla squad, the primary unit of struggle Since the principal form of struggle is rmed struggle, the entire activity of the agrarian struggle should be underground Whether the contradiction between feudalism and the Indian masses is the principal contradiction in Indian society or whether India has emerged as a capitalist state and hence, the contradiction between capitalism and general public is the principal contradiction Whether it would be prudent to form a united front with various forces and movements like the da lit, †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ 4 farmers’, ethnic and regional, and ecological movements etc. However, these are not the only issues; several other issues pertaining to groundlevel reality and control of territory are crucially linked to the functioning of Naxalite organizations. Prakash Louis, People Power: The Naxalite Movement in Central Bihar (New Delhi: Wordsmiths, 2002) p. 277. 2 5 Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation Historically, the origin of CPI (ML) Liberation dates back to 1974. However, the post-emergency phase of 1977, when most leaders of the Communist movement were released from jail was the time when the activities of Liberation first came to notice.The Party Central Committee (PCC), in a move to unite the splinter groups which owed their origin to CPI (ML), called a meeting during 30 January-2 February 1981. However, the meet did not deliver expected results. â€Å"From this point onwards whereas the PCC group goes on to become irrel evant and splits up into various factions, the M-L movement begins to polarize between the Marxist-Leninist line of CPI (ML) (Liberation) and the anarchist line of CPI (ML) (People's War). †3 During 1982, the Indian People's Front (IPF) was launched in New Delhi at a national conference.In due course, IPF became the party's open political platform, actively intervening in national politics. Same year, the Third Party Congress took place at Giridih, Bihar, where the issue of participation in elections was finalized. This shift in the outlook of CPI (ML) Liberation proved to be vital in designing the subsequent course of activity of the Naxal movement. The Liberation group, according to Bhatia, â€Å"considers itself the true inheritor of the CPI (ML) legacy, its political line has changed dramatically from that of the original CPI (ML). 4 With this strategic shift in functioning, the CPI (ML) Liberation recorded its first electoral victory under the banner of the IPF in 1989 a nd Ara (one Lok Sabha Constituency in Central Bihar) sent the first â€Å"Naxalite† member to Parliament. 5 In a special conference convened in July 1990, the party decided to resume open functioning. This decision was formalized at its fifth Congress in December 1992. In 1994, the Indian People’s Front was disbanded.The Election Commission recognized the party in 1995, and since then the CPI (ML) has been contesting successive elections at national and state levels. The CPI (ML) Liberation, though functioning over ground within the parliamentary democratic setup, has not completely disbanded the path of armed rebellion. â€Å"The Party does not rule out the possibility that under a set of exceptional national and international circumstances, the balance of social and political forces may even permit a relatively peaceful transfer of central power to revolutionary forces.But in a country where democratic institutions are based on essentially fragile and narrow foundat ions and where even small victories and partial reforms can only be achieved and maintained on the strength of mass militancy, the party of the proletariat must prepare itself for winning the ultimate decisive victory in an armed revolution. A people's democratic front and a people's army, therefore, remain the two most fundamental weapons of revolution in the arsenal of the Party. †6 This again points to the dilemmas within the ultra left movement, which is very often reflected, in the unpredictable character of the Naxal movement.Thirty Years of Naxalbari, an un-dated publication of CPI (ML) Liberation. Bela Bhatia, Naxalite Movement in Central Bihar, Economic and Political Weekly, April 9 2005. 4 3 5 6 History of Naxalism, Hindustantimes. com A Party document of CPI (ML) Liberation titled The General Programme. 6 . People’s War Group (PWG) PWG is the most important among all the splinter groups representing the Naxal movement because the dominant line within the Naxa l politics today, is the PWG line of thought. Though it is popularly known as PWG or PW, its official nomenclature is Communist Party of India––MarxistLeninist (People’s War).If today, Naxalism is considered as the greatest internal security problem and Naxals claim to be running parallel government in different parts of the country, its credit mostly goes to the PWG. â€Å"The CPI (ML) (People’s War) was formed on Lenin’s birth anniversary on April 22, 1980. †7 Kondapalli Seetharamaiah, one of the most influential Naxalite leaders from Andhra Pradesh and a member of the erstwhile Central Organizing Committee of the Communist Party of India––MarxistLeninist (CPI-ML), is the founding father of the PWG; who later, was ironically expelled from the group. The programme of our Party has declared that India is a vast ‘semi-colonial and semifeudal country’, with about 80 per cent of our population residing in our villages . It is ruled by the big-bourgeois big landlord classes, subservient to imperialism. The contradiction between the alliance of imperialism, feudalism and compradorbureaucrat- capitalism on the one hand and the broad masses of the people on the other is the principal contradiction in our country. Only a successful People’s Democratic Revolution i. e.New Democratic Revolution and the establishment of People’s Democratic Dictatorship of the workers, peasants, the middle classes and national bourgeoisie under the leadership of the working class can lead to the liberation of 30 years of Naxalbari, An undated Maoist literature, Vanguard Publication, p. 30. Vanguard was the organ of PWG. 7 our people from all exploitation and the dictatorship of the reactionary ruling classes and pave the way for building Socialism and Communism in our country, the ultimate aim of our Party.People’s War based on Armed Agrarian Revolution is the only path for achieving people’s d emocracy i. e. new democracy, in our country. †8 Rejecting the parliamentary democratic system of the country and branding individual annihilation as individual terrorism, PWG declared that people’s war was the only path to bringing about a people’s government in the country. From the above quote from an important PWG party document, it is clear that there were organizational, strategic and tactical conflicts going on within the CPI (ML), which paved the way for the split and creation of a more radical party.Broadly speaking, the party programmes of CPI (ML) Liberation were mostly focused on the cause of peasants, while the group led by K. Seetharamaih wanted the party to be a platform for peasants, workers, tribal and other weaker sections of society. It was the prime agenda of Liberation to build up a political front focusing on peasant struggles, whereas PWG was more interested in the formation of mass organizations instead of any democratic front. One of the renowned guerrilla leaders of the erstwhile PWG summarizes the essence of the conflict between CPI (ML) Liberation and CPI (ML) People’s War. In the Liberation group, which at one time was one of the strong groups defending Charu Mazumdar’s revolutionary line, after the martyrdom of ‘Path of People’s War in India – Our Tasks! ’, a comprehensive PWG party document highlighting its aims, objectives and strategies. The document was adopted by All-India Party Congress, 1992. We obtained this document from one of the principal ideologue of the PWG. 8 Com. Johar, with the leadership falling into the hands of Vinod Mishra, they began betraying the Indian revolution.As part of a conspiratorial plan, a once revolutionary party was gradually changed into a revisionist party, like the CPI and CPM. The armed resistance struggles against the state’s attacks, taking place under the then leadership of Liberation, was ended. The armed struggle to crus h the feudal private armies was made a secondary task. In this way, they diverted the entire group away from the basic path outlined by the unified CPI (ML), and particularly of its founder, Com.CM — that of protracted people’s war — into becoming agents of the ruling classes, by surrendering them to the parliamentary path. They converted the Com. Johar-led Liberation, from being a revolutionary movement, into a legalist, reformist and parliamentary movement; and changed the underground organization into an open opportunist and revisionist organization. †9 The above two official statements of the PWG clearly suggest that the birth of PWG which resulted from a split within the CPI (ML-Liberation) was on account of the dynamics of conflict among a host of its cadres.For a considerable period after its birth, PWG’s activities were chiefly limited to Andhra Pradesh, while the CPI (ML) Liberation continued to hold its turf in Bihar. It was during this pe riod that another organization came into existence on 1 January 1982. It was named the Communist party of India (ML) Party Unity, which came into existence due to a merger between CPI (ML) Unity Organizations and Central organizing Committee CPI (ML). Hereafter, left-wing extremism in India witnessed some of the worst-ever conflicts which again forced many organizations to take a position and adopt new tactics.Bihar has always remained a strong battleground of Naxal Sharvan, the then Secretary Bihar State Committee of CPI (ML) Peoples War, in an interview given to People’s March, Volume 2, No. 3, March 2001. 9 operations and ironically, in Bihar, most of the clashes were between CPI (ML) Party Unity and CPI (ML) Liberation. When these conflicts were taking a toll on the cadres on both sides, another development was simultaneously taking place. In August 1998, Party Unity merged with CPI (ML) People’s War Group and the group came to be known as People’s War. â₠¬Å"The merger of the two arties is the culmination of the unity process which began in March '93 and continued for over five years during which differences on several political, ideological and organizational questions were resolved through thread-bare discussion. †10 The statement continues, â€Å"The emergence of the united Party — the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) [People's War] -does not mark the completion of the process of unification of the genuine communist revolutionary forces in India. The newly Unified Party will continue its efforts in right earnest to achieve this unification.We also call upon the other genuine revolutionary elements in the various M-L parties in India who are being led astray by both right and left opportunist leadership, to fight against these deviations and rally under the banner of the United Party. The United Party pledges itself to avenge the death of thousands of martyrs who fell in the course of the ongoing democratic revolution in India paved with blood by these martyrs until their cherished goals are accomplished. This is the era of Revolutions. 11 With this merger, the PWG became a force to reckon with in Bihar and in other areas where PU had a presence. Further developments suggest that with the merger, the element of armed rebellion of the Naxal movement became stronger, while on the 10 People’s War literature titled ‘Joint Declaration by Communist Party of India (ML) People’s War and CPI (ML) (Party Unity)’, August 1998. Ibid. 11 8 other hand, with its parliamentary practices, Liberation was loosing its turf to PWG. Liberation, which once controlled the whole of central Bihar, was now loosing its territory and supporters to PWG and MCC.Not only in Bihar, but also elsewhere, Liberation was systematically shrinking on the map of Naxalite politics. By advocating electoral methods and not being able to make an impressive mark, the Liberation’s way of movement became weak and the PWG’s armed operations started gaining momentum. So while the Liberation, with its changed modus operandi was being reduced to a small political party, the PWG in the same period, managed to register its presence outside Andhra Pradesh and gradually gained strongholds in different areas of Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, and Maharashtra.While the conflict between PU and Liberation made both groups suffer the loss of considerable numbers of their cadres; as already stated, it also resulted in the merger of PU and PWG and ultimately the violent consolidation of the movement. The formation of People’s War also resulted in tactical changes in several aspects of the Naxal movement in general. ‘In our agenda for a new democratic revolution, there are two aspects — the agrarian revolution and fight for nationality. ’12 This statement shows the amount of organizational change witnessed by the Naxal movement in all those years.In 1967 it started in the name of ‘agrarian revolution’, which gradually took the stance of replacing the parliamentary form of government; but the question of nationality was never raised. This reflects the pattern of conflict between PW and Liberation. By questioning ‘nationality’, PW wanted to make it clear that it wanted a broad revolutionary pattern and while ‘land 12 to tillers’ could be a programme, it could not become the sole agenda of the revolution. Between 15-30 November 1995, the PW conducted an All India Special Conference in some unknown locality of Dandakaranya.There, it adopted two important party documents. The ‘Party Programme’ as adopted in the Conference reads, â€Å"India is a semi-feudal, semi-colonial society; here the New Democratic Revolution (NDR) has to be completed victoriously paving way to the Socialist Revolution and to advance towards the ultimate goal of Communism. The Indian people ar e weighed down by three big mountains: feudalism, imperialism and comprador bureaucrat capital; these are the targets to be overthrown in the present stage of NDR.The four major contradictions in the present-day Indian society are: the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses; the contradiction between imperialism and the Indian people; the contradiction between capital and labour and the contradiction within the ruling classes. While the first two are fundamental contradictions to be resolved through the NDR, the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses is the principal contradiction at the present stage. India is a multi-national country–a prison-house of nationalities and all the nationalities have the right to self-determination including secession.When NDR is victoriously completed, India will become a voluntary and genuine federation of all national people's republics. †13 The second document, which was adopted in the conference, was the do cument on the ‘Strategy and Tactics'. It reads, â€Å"The political 13 Interview of Muppalla Lakshmana Rao alias Ganapathy, the then head of the Communist Party of India-Marxist-Leninist People's War. http://www. rediff. com/news/1998/oct/07gana. htm This report on the Special conference was posted in a website (www. cpimlpwg/repression. html) which claimed itself as the unofficial website of PW.The website has been withdrawn. During its existence the site claimed it to be the unofficial website of PWG. But during my interaction with many PW rank and file I found that it was no less then their official website. 9 strategy to be pursued in the present stage of NDR in India is one of forming a broad united front of all the anti-feudal, antiimperialist forces–the working class, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie–under the leadership of the working class to overthrow the common enemies–feudalism, imperialism and comprador bureau cratic capital.The military strategy or the path of Indian Revolution is the path of protracted people's war i. e. , liberating the countryside first through area wise seizure of power establishing guerilla zones and base areas and then encircling the cities and finally capturing power throughout the country. The unevenness in the economic, social and political development of Indian society calls for different tactics i. e. , forms of struggle and organization, to be pursued in different regions of the country, while the political tactic line throughout the country remains the same.In urban areas the political and mass work should be carried out observing utmost precaution and the organizational work should proceed keeping in view the long-range perspective. Caste is a peculiar problem in India; and appropriate forms of organization and struggle should be evolved vigorously to fight out untouchability, caste discrimination and to finally root out the caste system. The tactics of boy cott of elections have to be pursued for a long time in the prevailing conditions in India; and participating in parliamentary and assembly elections under any pretext only weakens the class struggle. 14 These two documents, containing different organizational aspects of PW, make a clearcut demarcation for the issues pertaining to organizational conflict between the Liberation and PW. The People’s War, on the basis of its assessment of the people’s level of preparedness for an armed struggle, discarded ‘annihilation of class enemies’ as the only form of struggle and stressed instead, on floating mass organizations. It established several front organizations. 14During the 1980s, the Radical Students’ Union and Rayatu Kuli Sangham emerged as organizations with an impressive mass following and most of the PWG’s present base and political cadres developed through that practice. However, during the 1990s, the growth of militarization became the ch aracteristic feature of the PWG. The formation of People’s Guerrilla Army (PGA), special guerrilla squads, Permanent Action Team (PAT) and Special Action Team (SAT) were the distinctive features of PWG activities for quite some time, before it merged with MCC to form the CPI (Maoist). 5 15 In response to a government decision to launch coordinated action against the Naxalites by police forces of the various Indian States affected by Naxal violence, the PWG formed the PGA, its military wing in December 2000 by reorganizing its guerrilla force. The PGA functions under a single operational command, the Central Military Commission. In the Indian State where the PGA has a presence, there is a State Military Commission and in special guerrilla zones there is a Zonal Military Commission.A Regional Military Commission supervises a group of State Military Commissions or Zonal Military Commission Each Regional Military Commission reports to the Central Military Commission. All armed ca dre of the PWG are organized under the PGA. Ref: â€Å"People's Guerrilla Army†, http://www. satp. org/satporgtp/countries/india/terror istoutfits/peoples_guerrilla_arms_left_wing_extre mists. htm Ibid. 10 Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) & Communist Party of India (Maoist) The next important group within the broad spectrum of the Naxal movement is the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC).It stands apart from a number of organizations, since, conventionally speaking, it was never a part of the CPI (ML), which many claim as the mother of all Naxal organizations. â€Å"The MCC, while supporting the Naxalbari struggle, did not join the CPI (ML) because of some tactical differences and on the question of Party formation. †16 The MCC was formed on 20 October 1969, around the same time that the CPI (ML) was formed, although during those days it was known as Dakshin Desh. It was in 1975 that the group renamed itself the Maoist Communist Centre.In 2003, MCC merged with the Revolutionary Communist Centre of India-Maoists (RCCI-M) to form the Maoist Communist Centre-India (MCC-I). Right from its inception, the MCC stood for taking up armed struggle as the main form of resistance and waging a protracted people's war as the central task of the party. This position of the MCC has been repeatedly expressed and emphasized in a multitude of Maoist literature. â€Å"This armed revolutionary war is the war of the armed people themselves; it is ‘Protracted People's War' as shown by Mao Tse Tung.The concrete economic and political condition of India leads to the very conclusion that the path shown by the great leader and teacher, Mao Tse Tung, the path of the Chinese Revolution, that is, and to establish a powerful people's army and people's militia and to establish dependable, strong and self-sufficient base areas in the countryside, to constantly consolidate and expand the people's army and the base areas, gradually to encircle the urban areas from the countryside by liberating the countryside, finally to capture the cities and 16 o establish the state system and political authority of the people themselves by decisively destroying the state power of the reactionaries — this very path of the protracted People's War is the only path of liberation of the people of India, the path of victory of the new democratic revolution. â€Å"17 Communist Party of India (Maoist) The Naxal movement in India entered yet another phase of organizational transformation with the merger of two of the principal armed organizations, viz.People’s War (PW) and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCC-I), which resulted in the formation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). â€Å"The formation of the unified Communist Party of India (Maoist) is a new milestone in the history of the revolutionary communist movement of India. A unified Maoist party based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a long delayed and highly cherished need of the revolutionary minded and oppressed people of the country, including all our ranks, and also all the Maoist forces of South Asia and internationally.Now, this long-aspired desire and dream has been transformed into a reality. †18 This statement, made by the first Secretary of CPI (Maoist) Ganapathy, assumes a great deal of importance as it 17 Red Star, Special Issue, p. 20. Red Star is the English language organ of the MCC, as quoted by Aloke Banerjee in a pamphlet titled â€Å"Inside MCC Country†, dated June 2003. Red Star was the English language organ of the MCC. Also quoted in ‘MCC India Three Decades Leading Battalions of the Poor’, http://www. awtw. org/back_issues/mcc_india. htm.Though it denies but many treat this as the unofficial organ of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM. ) Ganapathy, in an Interview given on the on the occasion of the formation of CPI (Maoist). People’s March, Vol. 5, No. 11-12, NovemberDecember 2004. 18 30 years of Naxalbari, p . 36. 11 reflects the organizational politics that was going on all these years between these two organizations representing the Naxal movement. The improvised aim of the CPI (Maoist) as announced on the occasion of its formation is to establish a compact revolutionary zone, stretching from Nepal to Bihar to Andhra Pradesh and beyond.While continuing their pursuit of a people’s democracy; the ultimate aim of the CPI (Maoist) is to seize power through protracted armed struggle. The press statement, issued on the event of announcing the merger, stated, â€Å"The immediate aim and programme of the Maoist party is to carry on and complete the already ongoing and advancing New Democratic Revolution in India as a part of the world proletarian revolution by overthrowing the semi-colonial, semi-feudal system under the neo-colonial form of indirect rule, exploitation and control.This revolution will remain directed against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. This revolution will be carried out and completed through armed agrarian revolutionary war, i. e. protracted people's war with the armed seizure of power remaining as its central and principal task, encircling the cities from the countryside and thereby finally capturing them. Hence, the countryside as well as the PPW (Protracted People's War) will remain as the ‘center of gravity' of the party's work, while urban work will be complimentary to it. 19 According to the same press release, the CPI-Maoists â€Å"will still seek to unite all genuine Maoist groups that remain outside this unified party. â€Å"20 It is important to examine the significance of the merger, particularly when earlier attempts had been unsuccessful. In fact, the merger is largely being seen as a result of the gradual convergence of views of these two groups on areas such as the role of the party, approaches to revolution and adoption of strategies and tactics. In the formative years, Charu Mazumdar and Kanhai Chatterjee represented two irreconcilably different lines and approaches to ‘revolution’.At the time of the formation of the Communist Party of India (MarxistLeninist) CPI-ML in 1969, the Dakshin Desh (the earlier form of the MCC), remained opposed to the process due to sharp differences with the CPI-ML over issues such as the formation of a communist party, existence of revolutionary mass struggle and preparedness of the people to participate in it. The joint press statement released by the erstwhile General Secretaries of PW and MCC (I) highlighted the essence of the merger. â€Å"In the past history there were many splits within the M-L movement.But splits are only one side of the coin; the brighter side was that there were continuous efforts to unify the revolutionaries. The CPI (ML) (PU), though it had its origins in Bengal, it spread and strengthened by unifying several revolutionary groups. The CPI (ML) (PW), though it originated in Andhra Pradesh and Ta mil Nadu, it unified with revolutionaries in almost all the states where it was working. The MCC too, had originated in Bengal, unified many revolutionaries groups in it in many States and became the MCCI. 21 This statement underlines the continuous process of organizational politics within the broad spectrum of the Naxal movement, which resulted from organizational conflict. Looking back, the need for a joint, unified platform was felt by the leadership of both 21 19 â€Å"Maoist-Influenced Revolutionary Organizations in India† available at â€Å"Maoist-Influenced Revolutionary Organizations in India† available at 20 Ganapathy, in an Interview given on the on the occasion of the formation of CPI (Maoist). People’s March, Vol. 5, No. 11-12, NovemberDecember 2004. 12 he parties as early as 1981. â€Å"The PW and MCC began unity talks from their very first meeting in 1981. However, the reason for the delay in the process was the lack of continuity of leadership. The arrest of Comrade Kondapally Seetaramaiah (KS), the leader of the PW, and later the internal crisis of the PW and split in the Central Committee (CC) delayed the unity process for several years. In the early eighties, the MCC lost its two top leaders Comrades Amulya Sen (AS) and Kanhai Chatterjee (KC), which had some negative impact, resulting in further delay in the unity process. 22 However, this is not to suggest that the formation of the CPI (Maoist) was the final stage of the Naxal movement. As one official Maoist document puts it, â€Å"Revolutions never proceed in a straight line. The history of all successful revolutions shows this. The path is zig zag, there are ups and downs, there is victory and defeat repeated a number of times†¦.. before final victory. Of course, there is no final victory until the stage of communism is reached. 23 The above-mentioned analysis makes the forceful plea that since the Naxal movement is essentially a political problem, it needs to be examined from the perspective of organizational politics. From the above discussion we can derive the following conclusions. First, the history of the Naxal movement is the history of a continuous process of organizational conflicts, splits, and mergers. Second, the movement essentially represents simultaneous, though not necessarily peaceful coexistence of many streams; and looking from this angle, the movement can be said to have its presence in all parts of 22 23 he country. Third, the growth of the Naxal movement is closely linked with the ongoing process of organizational conflict. This is because the ultimate political objective behind all organizational exercise, as reflected by the statements of various senior Naxalite leaders, is to build a leftist alternative and mobilize people against increased ‘imperialist intervention’ and ‘proimperialist policies’ pursued by the union government, in support of ‘revolutionary war’ based on the Chinese leader, Mao’s theory of organized peasant insurrection.Similarly, the history of the naxal movement, right from its first phase of 1967, demonstrates that even if there has been a continuous evolution in terms of their understanding of the Indian situation, the focus of the movement, its character, and the fighting capabilities and financial resources of these groups; they have remained more or less consistent as far as their core ideology is concerned. Barring the Liberation, they all reject the parliamentary system of governance and want to bring about a fundamental change in the nature of the Indian state.For this, they have adopted the strategy of protracted armed struggle, which entails building bases in rural and remote areas and transforming them first into guerrilla zones and then liberated zones, besides area-wise seizures and encirclement of cities and finally, the seizure of political power and achievement of nation-wise victory. Fourth, the history of the movement so far, has been the history of conflicts and splits. However, one cannot deny that its history is also one of mergers. 4 Ibid. State Repression, this is the title of the document which was posted at www. cpimlpwg/repression. html. The website now has been withdrawn. During its existence the site claimed it to be the unofficial website of PWG. But during my interaction with many PW rank and file I found that it was the official website. 24 For more information on integrated checkposts, see the website of the Ministry of Home Affairs (http://mha. gov. in/BM_Div/BM_IntCheck(E). pdf). 13 .About the Author Dr. Rajat Kumar Kujur teaches Political Science at the Gangadhar Meher Junior College, Sambalpur, Orissa. He can be reached at [email  protected] com. Recent IPCS Publications August 2008 Arabization: Changing Face of Islam in Asia Baladas Ghoshal Issue Brief 81 Asian Security Architecture: India and Ideology Jabin Jacob Issue Brief 80 Indo-US Nuclear Deal: Entering Homest retch Gretchen Smith CBRN Issue Brief 10 Impeaching Musharraf: Issues and Questions D.Suba Chandran Issue Brief 79 Safeguarding Pakistan's Nuclear Assets: The American Debate Prashant Hosur CBRN Issue Brief 9 South Asian Union: Divided We Stand Abhishek Raman Issue Brief 78 India's Myanmar Policy: An Alternative Roadmap Ann Koppuzha Issue Brief 77 India-Vietnam Economic Relations: Opportunities and Challenges Pranav Kumar Special Report 57 July 2008 Ten Years After Pokharan-II: The Nuclear Debate in India Henri Laniece CBRN Issue Brief 8 Thinking outside the Box: A New Approach to Burma Baladas Ghoshal Issue Brief 76 Sam Manekshaw: India's Finest Hour PR Chari Special Report 56 Failing and Failed States: The Global Discourse Sonali Huria Issue Brief 75

Web Site Publishing Process

Web Site Publishing Process The first step to publish a brand-new web site is to find the best host for your needs. There are many different options for Web hosting. The best one is going to depend on the type of site that is being created. Almost all sites will fall under one of the next three categories: personal or hobby site, small business site, or Ecommerce or high-traffic site. It is going to be the size, complexity, and expected traffic load of the site that are going to need to be considered when shopping for a host. Personal and Hobby sites are typically used for sites that will be used to communicate with friends and family and/or share information about hobbies with other people. These sites will typically be small and have low-traffic. Personal and Hobby sites are easier to publish and less expensive. There are two free options in this category. The first is your internet service provider as most of them give customer’s access to a personal Web page as a part of their regular service. This option does have strict limits on the amount of bandwidth the website is able to use though; too many pictures can push the website over the limit. The second option is free web hosts. This allows someone to get a free site and the host gets to advertise on it, although storage and download amounts are an issue here too. With this option the host is able to shut down the website if it exceeds the bandwidth allotment until the next month when the bandwidth counter restarts. Small business sites are sites that will contain basic company information. These sites are typically called â€Å"brochure sites†. This is because the information in the website can probably be found on a printed advertisement brochure. These are pretty simple sites, but because they are still a business the creator will want a reliable host and will not be shut off unexpectedly. The creator will choose their own domain name. Ecommerce sites are sites where individuals and/or small businesses start to sell products and services online and collecting online payments. These types of sites can get a little pricey when trying to find a host because these sites will need a working shopping cart system, an online merchant account, and a Web host that supports all of that. Once the needs of the host have been determined and you have a valid domain name the next step will be to publish the website. There are three basic options: FrontPage extensions, HTML editor with FTP (File Transfer Protocol) capability, or a standalone FTP program. FrontPage does not work well with an FTP process as it uses FP extensions. HTML editor and the standalone FTP program both use the FTP process to upload all files for the website. Check List: ?Find the right host ?Create a valid domain name ?Design the website ?Publish the website The two web hosting companies that I am going to compare are hostgator. com and hub web hosting. Below is a list of what each offer: Web Hosting CompanyWeb Hosting EssentialsWeb Hosting ExtrasWeb Hosting Review HOSTGATOR. COM? $4. 95 Monthly ?Unlimited Disk Space ?Unlimited Bandwidth? Host Unlimited Domains ?Unlimited Databases ?Fantastico Installer PHP + MySQL Hosting ?Unlimited MySQL DBs ?cPanel Control Panel ?Supports Ruby on Rails? Top Reseller Web Host ?SSH Access ?SiteStudio Web Builder ?24/7 Support ?Instant Backups ?45 Day Guarantee HUB WEB HOSTING? $3. 95 Monthly ?Unlimited Disk Space ?Unlimited Bandwidth? Host Unlimited Domains ?No Downtime Transfer ?Buisness Hardware ?Free Blogging Software ?Free Website Builder ?Unlimited Email Accounts? Top Simple Web Hosting ?PHP5,My SQL5, Perl5 ?Free E-commerce Tools ?24/7 US Support ?Over 8 Special Offers ?90 Day Guarantee The first hosting site is hostgator. om. This site offers site hosting for $4. 95 a month which includes unlimited disk space and unlimited bandwidth. Hub web hosting offers site hosting for $3. 95 a month which includes unlimited disk space and unlimited bandwidth as well. They each offer a lot of extras like unlimited domains. The difference is that Hub web hosting is a simple web hosting site, while hostgator. com is a little more technical. I would consider using hub web hosting for my own Web site as it seems to be more for the beginner website developer and seems to be easier than the other.

Boondock Saints essays

Boondock Saints essays The film Boondock Saints by Troy Duffy compiles many religious and moral beliefs. It makes the viewer decide whether or not what happens is right or wrong. As a way to further complicate the issue, the brothers are staged as likeable guys on a mission from God. Troy Duffy expresses the two brothers as vigilantes ordained by God through his film techniques, symbolism, and religion. Throughout the film, religion plays a vital role. Even in the first scene, it begins with the Irish brothers attending mass on Saint Patricks Day. However, during the middle of the sermon, the brothers stride towards the front of the church to pray and kiss the body of Christ. It seemed like a natural event, something they do all the time. The Priest didnt stutter his words nor glance at the brothers, but carelessly continued with his story. It appeared as if the brothers were ready to start Gods plan, to kill all who s evil. Furthermore, after every kill the brothers would follow up with a prayer. Not any other prayer, but something unique. And Shepards we shall be, for thee my lord, for thee. Power hath descended forth from thy hand, that our feet may swiftly carry out thy command. We shall flow a river forth to thee, and teeming with souls shall it ever be. In nomine Patris, et Filius, Spiritus sanctus. It was a family prayer that both brothers based their lives upon. Moreover, the film techniques are very interesting within the Boondock Saints. Troy Duffy decides to start the film with a crane-shot high in the air. The shot resembles as if God is watching over South Boston and the McManus brothers. Hence the reason why the brothers begin to protect the city in Gods name. As well, the film includes multiple flash back scenarios. Before the viewer sees what happens, you get an idea of what might take place. Just like God, he already knows whats going to take place and now so do we. In addition, th...

Abortion Reform vs. Repeal Strategies Compared

Abortion Reform vs. Repeal Strategies Compared What was the difference between reform of abortion laws and repeal of abortion laws? The distinction was important to feminists during the 1960s and early 1970s. Many people were working to reform century-old abortion laws throughout the United States, but some activists argued that these attempts at reform disregarded the autonomy of women and supported mens continued control over women. A better goal, the feminist activists insisted, was the repeal of all laws that restricted womens reproductive freedom. A Movement for Abortion Reform Although a few stalwart individuals had spoken out quite early for abortion rights, the widespread call for abortion reform began during the middle of the 20th century. During the late 1950s, the American Law Institute worked to establish a model penal code, which proposed that abortion be legal when: The pregnancy resulted from rape or incestThe pregnancy gravely impaired the physical or mental health of the womanThe child would be born with serious mental or physical defects or deformities A few states reformed their abortion laws based on the ALIs model code, with Colorado leading the way in 1967. In 1964, Dr. Alan Guttmacher of Planned Parenthood founded the Association for the Study of Abortion (ASA).   The organization was a small group about twenty active members including lawyers and physicians. their intent was to educate on abortion, including publishing educational materials and supporting research on the single issue of abortion. Their position was primarily a reform position at first, looking at how laws could be changed. They eventually shifted to supporting repeal, and helped provide the legal counsel, Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee, for the  Roe v. Wade  case when it went to the Supreme Court in the 1970s. Many feminists rejected these attempts at abortion reform, not just because they did not go far enough but because they were still based entirely on a concept of women being protected by men and subject to the scrutiny of men. Reform was harmful to women, because it reinforced the idea that women must ask permission from men. Repeal the Abortion Laws Instead, feminists called for repeal of abortion laws. Feminists wanted abortion to be legal because they wanted justice for women based on freedom and individual rights, not a hospital medical boards decision of whether a woman should be granted an abortion. Planned Parenthood began taking a repeal, rather than reform, position in 1969. Groups such as the National Organization for Women began to work for repeal. The National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws was founded in 1969. Known as NARAL, the groups name changed to the National Abortion Rights Action League after the Supreme Courts 1973 Roe v. Wade decision. The Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry published a position paper about abortion in 1969 called The Right to Abortion: A Psychiatric View. Womens liberation groups such as Redstockings held abortion speak-outs and insisted that womens voices be heard alongside mens. Lucinda Cisler Lucinda Cisler was a key activist who often wrote about the need for repeal of abortion laws. She claimed that public opinion about abortion was distorted because of the framing of the debate. A pollster might ask, Under what circumstances would you favor a woman having an abortion? Lucinda Cisler imagined asking Do you favor freeing a slave when his bondage is (1)injurious to his physical health†¦? and so on. Instead of asking how we can justify abortion, she wrote, we should be asking how we can justify compulsory child bearing. The proponents of change always pictured women as victims of rape, or of rubella, or of heart disease or mental illness never as possible shapers of their own destinies.- Lucinda Cisler in Unfinished Business: Birth Control and Womens Liberation published in the 1970 anthology Repeal vs. Reform: Finding Justice In addition to defining women as needing to be somehow protected, abortion reform laws took for granted state control of the fetus at some point. Furthermore, activists who challenged old abortion laws now had the added difficulty of challenging additional reformed-but-still-flawed abortion laws, too. Although reform, modernization or liberalization of abortion laws sounded good, feminist activists insisted that repeal of abortion laws was the true justice for women. (edited and new material added by Jone Johnson Lewis)

Preparation for Work Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

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Socialism and capitalism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

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